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Chiefly to facilitate reference, two periods of the history of Yucatec will be distinguished by the designations Old Yucatec and Modern Yucatec.By the former we shall refer to the language known through theliterature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Note 2).Beltran's grammar, written during the first half of the eighteenthcentury, may conveniently be said to describe the language in thebeginning of the transition to Modern Yucatec. The period of ModernYucatec may be assumed to begin during the first half of the nineteenthcentury or thereabout. In the dictionary compiled by Pio Perez aboutthis time, one finds usages of the sort which constitutes the maingrammatical differences between Old Yucatec and the language spoken atpresent. It is true that some of the phrases chosen by Pio Perez toillustrate various special uses are now obsolete or obsolescent, butthe majority are not. Modern Yucatec differs from Old Yucatec atleast with respect to vocabulary, morphology, and syntax. The syntacticand morphologic differences cannot be specified properly in theseintroductory remarks. Concerning vocabulary, one observes thatapproximately one-fifth of the words listed in the Motul dictionary arenow obsolete. With respect to the uses of those which constitute themain body of the present vocabulary, one notices that as a rule theyretain most of the senses in which they were formerly employed. Themain lexical innovations consist in the adoption and adaptation ofSpanish words.As one would expect, there is more admixture of Spanish in and near thelarger towns than in the more isolated districts, although there aresome exceptions to this rule. But the extent of this admixture has beenmuch exaggerated by those who deplore its occurrence. In a fewsamplings of discourse amounting roughly to 8,500 running words, thetotal number of different Spanish words, excluding proper names, wasfound to be 9. The samplings were chosen at random from phonographicrecords of extemporaneous discourse. In some localities much of theSpanish admixture seems to have taken place within one or twogenerations. By way of experiment, we would occasionally point out toan informant the fact that he had used a Spanish word. The reactionvaried roughly with the age of the individual and the locality. InChemax, state of Yucatan, two of the oldest men would in most instancesreplace the Spanish word by a native term, and it would be done asreadily as when one corrects a mere slip of the tongue. On the otherhand, some of the expressions that were so readily recalled in thislocality, and which conformed to Old Yucatec usage, were nearly asstrange as alien words to our informants in other localities,regardless of the age of the individuals. Concerning phonetic differences between the old and the modernlanguage, it may be obvious that all that can be done is to infer withvarious degrees of uncertainty what is more likely than unlikelythe case. It is commonly assumed, at least by implication, that Yucatecpronunciation has not changed much during a period of more than threecenturies. Making allowance for differences of opinion as to what ismuch or little in this respect, we venture to say that there are morereasons for entertaining this assumption than for holding the contrary.This question is discussed at length in Note 3.
The e-Variants are used whenever both of these statements are true: (a) No suffix other than -eis affixed to the verb stem; (b) the transitive NULLAK-construction isthe last or only word of a clause or a sentence. In all other cases,the transitive NULLAK-construction has no distinctive affix. When thesubject of the (No ka PA)-Form is a 2nd. pers. plur., the suffix -eːʃ of the pronominal form a ... -eːʃ is required, but the a of the pronominal form is omitted. Thus, the (No ka PA)-Forms of the verb ʦ'a, 'to give', are: ʦ'a, ˈʦ'aˌe, ˈʦ'aeːʃ. The distinctive suffix of the intransitive is -ak, -ek, -ik, -ok, -uk, or, with elided vowel, -k.The vowel of the suffix is frequently elided when another suffixfollows, particularly in speech of Type B. When the verb stem is simple(3.1), the vowel of the distinctive suffix is the same as that of thestem; e.g., naak-ak, 'ascend'; em-ek, 'descend'; ʃ(i)-ik, 'go', 'move on'; hok'-ok, 'go out', lub-uk, 'fall'. Composite stems (3.1) and some irregular verbs require -ak; e.g. iʧ-ki-n-ak, 'bathe'; ʦik-ba-n-ak, 'converse', 'chat'; uk'-u(l)-n-ak, 'drink' (in intransitive usage); ʃol-ak, 'kneel', ʧil-ak, 'lie down'. These rules hold also for the passive, except that in the passive construction, -aak is commonly used instead of -ak when the composite stem consists of only one syllable; e.g., ta(l)-s-aak, 'bring'; bi(n)-s-aak, 'take from one place to another'; hok'-s-aak or hoʔ-s-aak,'take out', 'bring out'. A second difference between the passive andthe intransitive forms is that in the former the vowel of a simple stemis generally doubled if the main stress is on it, and the verbal unitconsists only of the stem and the distinctive suffix of theNULLAK-construction; e.g., the NULLAK passive of man, 'buy', is ˈmaan-ak; that of jeʦ', 'press liquid out by twisting', is jeeʦ'-ek; t'oh, 'pour out', ˈt'ooh-ok; k'ub, 'deliver', ˈk'uub-uk.There are, however, many exceptional formations of the passiveconstruction. In some sentences, the only indication of the passive useof a verb is the circumstance that the verb is used transitivelywhenever other than a NULLAK-construction is required. For example, t'ab, 'to light (a candle)', 'to set on fire', was ˈt'abakin 6 instances in which there was conclusive evidence that theconstruction was passive. In these and in 43 other cases, the form forthe passive usage was exactly like that of an intransitive verb. Theverbs found in these 49 instances occurred in all other cases withtransitive construction. This lack of constructional differentiationbetween intransitive and passive NULLAK-forms seems to be due tochanges which have taken place chiefly within the Modern Yucatecperiod. Formerly, the passive of some verbs required two suffixes: -ab (4.10) followed by -ak; e.g., the passive of han-t, 'to eat (that which is referred to)' was han-t-ab-ak. This form of han-toccurred twice in texts from British Honduras, and once in a textdictated by Lorenzo Kinil of Chemax, Yucatan, born in 1837. That way offorming the passive is still prevalent with stems ending in a. Thus, the passive of ʦ'a, 'give', 'put', is commonly ˈʦ'aabak; and that of ʧ'a, 'fetch', 'get', ˈʧ'aabak. But instead of the obsolete or obsolescent ˈhantaˌbak, we find now han'taak. The fusion of kawith the pronouns of the transitive forms was commented upon in 4.27.It should be noted that, since there is no pronoun of Class B, for the3rd. pers. sing., the intransitive and the passive 3rd. sing.NULLAK-form is simply the verb stem with one of the distinctivesuffixes -ak, -ek, etc. Exceptional uses of -ak instead of -ek, -ik, etc. are dealt with in 4.47 and 4.48. The uses of the NULLAK-constructions are not as diverse as those of the IKAL and k-IKALconstructions already dealt with; nevertheless, it is not feasible toformulate verifiable generalizations without dividing their uses intoseveral classes. Conforming to precedent, one could say, for example,that we are dealing here with the subjunctive mode of the Yucatec verb.If that is all that would be said about it, the vagueness of thestatement would be roughly proportional to each reader's acquaintancewith the variety of uses of the devices that have been classed assubjunctive modes on the grammars of the classical languages, and in those of the modern languages ofliterate and illiterate peoples. To reduce the vagueness of thestatement, one would have to specify the rules that govern the use ofthe Yucatec subjunctive; which would obviously necessitate a division ofthe uses of the devices in question into classes, just as we have hadto do in these pages The number of divisions would naturally varyaccording to the preference of the investigator and the extent to whichthe description would be superficial or would deal with details; but itdoes not follow that calling the device by a familiar name, or not,would necessarily have something to do with the extent of thisvariation. By not using a familiar name, at least one advantage can bederived; namely, if a reader decides that this is obviously asubjunctive mode, he can simply substitute the expression 'subjunctivemode' for our expression 'NULLAK-constructions'. Another reader canmake whatever other substitution he prefers, if he decides that this isnot a subjunctive. This entails the inconvenience of translating ourexpression in all the instances in which it occurs, but to a linguistthat should be a matter of negligible concern. This inconvenience maybe compensated by the freedom allowed to each expert in the use ofcurrent grammatical terminology to apply grammatical terms as he deemsproper. In the majority of instances in which theNULLAK-constructions occurred in the texts, they served to refer tosubsequent occurrents (4.3), especially to discrete-future andsubsequent-past occurrents (4.4, Cases 3 and 6). This is true if weconsider that all imperative sentences refer to future occurrents; forwhenever an individual tells another to do something, he obviouslycommands or requests that he do so at a time subsequent to thatoccupied by his imperative communication, however immediate that timemay be. The same holds for the use of the NULLAK-construction in thereferences we have termed 'projective' (4.23); for the occurrent aimedat must inevitably be subsequent to at least the beginning of thatwhich is done in order to accomplish the aim. In the majority of theinstances in which the NULLAK-constructions do not refer to subsequentoccurrents, what is referred to is a non-particular referent. Thus, intemporal clauses, they occur in references to any one of the occasionson which something is said to take place; and in relative clauses theantecedent is whoever or whatever may be involved in the reference, andnot this or that particular person or non-person. These generalizationsare, of course, insufficient to delimit the uses of theseconstructions; especially since it is the case that references tosubsequent occurrents are made also by means of other constructions,some of which have already been dealt with (4.12, 4.14, 4.16, 4.18,4.19, 4.21, 4.23, 4.24, 4.35, 4.36). In order to give less inadequatespecifications, the uses of the NULLAK-constructions will be divided intoclasses and subclasses of instances treated under the followingheadings: 2ff7e9595c
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